November 17 the majority deputies of BYuT faction supported the draft bill on mixed election system, having voted in unison with the ruling party for the first time after a long period of time. Press office of the bloc cheerfully reported it was a victory of the opposition, while separate, more careful, deputies said it was "less evil."
The statement by EU representative in Ukraine Jose Teisheira on that during her meeting with EU commissioner Stefan Fule Yulia Tymoshenko recognized the voting as a mistake has immediately become a political scandal. Despite public assurance by BYuT deputy head Oleksandr Turchynov on that there is no split between the party and its eternal leader, this event proved the suspicion that Yulia Tymoshenko is no longer considered a person, who can influence the process.
So, the faction voted against the position of its leader, but knowing the peculiarities of BYuT list formation we can be sure it was not a spontaneous party strike. After all, the majority of BYuT deputies got to the parliament thanks to their personal agreements with Tymoshenko, and their political future still depends on these agreements. Probably, the MPs were used "blindly". It is no coincidence that BYuT MP Andriy Shkil was assuring the deputies had not got any instructions from the detention facility regarding the voting. Or may be someone forgot to inform them?
For the moment the information communication channel between BYuT deputies and their leader is very poor, and it would not be so difficult to put it under control. The society does hear much from Tymoshenko personally, receiving only the information from her lawyer Vlasenko or from acting head Turchynov. The feeling on that Tymoshenko's isolation is advantageous not only for the ruling party but for the current leadership of BYuT becomes stronger.
Recently Turchynov "complained" to journalists that on the day of voting he could not discuss this issue with Tymoshenko, because the communication process was complicated. Is the matter of coordination with the leader in BYuT so hopeless that such important question as voting on election legislation could not have been discussed earlier than the day of voting?
Another interesting fact. Earlier Tymoshenko repeatedly spoke against mixed election system, and taking into account her current 'adventures' it is difficult to image what could possibly change her mind and make cooperate with the authorities on this question.
There is an impressing that "complicated communication", real or imaginary, suits the current leadership of BYuT, which can now easily "rule" as it sees fit. Turchynov himself did not find courage to give a definite answer to the question whether there was a note from Tymoshenko with recommendations on the voting or not. Repeated questions by journalists were diligently ignored.
However, it is obvious that the current leadership of BYuT did not expect such leak of information and hurried to inform there was no discussion between Fule and Tymoshenko on this subject, thereby doubting the statement of the influential European official.
According to sources close to the leadership, both Turchynov and Kozhemiakin act like they are fine with Tymoshenko's imprisonment. First of all, it enables them to form the party list for forthcoming election as they want and not to bind themselves with people, who came to BYuT thanks to Tymoshenko.
Secondly, don't forget about the presence of a number of criminal cases instituted against Turchynov, which he confirmed personally. Using this subject as an argument in oppositional rhetoric Turchynov forgets that he can run against a logical question: Why are you, strictly speaking, still free?
Probably the answer to this question can be found in the person of newly elected head of the BYuT faction Andriy Kozhemiakin, who, according to some data, has been holding mutually beneficial dialogue with all-powerful vice PM Andriy Klyuyev for quite some time.
According to information from various sources, the very communication between Kozhemiakin and Klyuyev ensures Tyrchynov's liberty, which of course must be paid with loyalty.
An example of such loyalty can be found in the voting by BYuT faction for the law on parliamentary elections. Besides, frankly speaking, the main oppositional force of the country is engaged in everything but defending interests of its supporters. In the moment when the society is shaken by mass protests BYuT guard is suspiciously quiet, showing its activity in the form of not numerous protest actions only during court hearings. Undoubtedly, the party still has huge mobilization capability. Why does not it use it then?
Is it an indicator of organizational impotence or the matter concerns unwillingness to use the recourses in full?
That's why the suppositions on that the power has made a progress in conquering BYuT don't look very dubious. And the rumours on that the BYuT faction has almost surrendered to Andriy Klyuyev are far from groundless.
Of course, the current leadership of BYuT has also to manage to save the face before voters. In this case the public search for inner enemies can serve as a red herring. It is no coincidence that Turchynoiv has started a "discrediting campaign" against an opposition member Anatoly Hrytsenko, accusing him of working secretly for the ruling party. However, knowing the chronic intractability of Hrytsenko, leader of the Civil Position movement, Turchynov's accusations are hard to believe in, harder than in the tandem Turchynov- Kozhemiakin, who may have found new masters.
It is not difficult to predict what happens next within the opposition. We've already seen this and not once - confusion and indecision every time become the reason of its deafening defeats. What other presents the power can hope for?
The statement by EU representative in Ukraine Jose Teisheira on that during her meeting with EU commissioner Stefan Fule Yulia Tymoshenko recognized the voting as a mistake has immediately become a political scandal. Despite public assurance by BYuT deputy head Oleksandr Turchynov on that there is no split between the party and its eternal leader, this event proved the suspicion that Yulia Tymoshenko is no longer considered a person, who can influence the process.
So, the faction voted against the position of its leader, but knowing the peculiarities of BYuT list formation we can be sure it was not a spontaneous party strike. After all, the majority of BYuT deputies got to the parliament thanks to their personal agreements with Tymoshenko, and their political future still depends on these agreements. Probably, the MPs were used "blindly". It is no coincidence that BYuT MP Andriy Shkil was assuring the deputies had not got any instructions from the detention facility regarding the voting. Or may be someone forgot to inform them?
For the moment the information communication channel between BYuT deputies and their leader is very poor, and it would not be so difficult to put it under control. The society does hear much from Tymoshenko personally, receiving only the information from her lawyer Vlasenko or from acting head Turchynov. The feeling on that Tymoshenko's isolation is advantageous not only for the ruling party but for the current leadership of BYuT becomes stronger.
Recently Turchynov "complained" to journalists that on the day of voting he could not discuss this issue with Tymoshenko, because the communication process was complicated. Is the matter of coordination with the leader in BYuT so hopeless that such important question as voting on election legislation could not have been discussed earlier than the day of voting?
Another interesting fact. Earlier Tymoshenko repeatedly spoke against mixed election system, and taking into account her current 'adventures' it is difficult to image what could possibly change her mind and make cooperate with the authorities on this question.
There is an impressing that "complicated communication", real or imaginary, suits the current leadership of BYuT, which can now easily "rule" as it sees fit. Turchynov himself did not find courage to give a definite answer to the question whether there was a note from Tymoshenko with recommendations on the voting or not. Repeated questions by journalists were diligently ignored.
However, it is obvious that the current leadership of BYuT did not expect such leak of information and hurried to inform there was no discussion between Fule and Tymoshenko on this subject, thereby doubting the statement of the influential European official.
According to sources close to the leadership, both Turchynov and Kozhemiakin act like they are fine with Tymoshenko's imprisonment. First of all, it enables them to form the party list for forthcoming election as they want and not to bind themselves with people, who came to BYuT thanks to Tymoshenko.
Secondly, don't forget about the presence of a number of criminal cases instituted against Turchynov, which he confirmed personally. Using this subject as an argument in oppositional rhetoric Turchynov forgets that he can run against a logical question: Why are you, strictly speaking, still free?
Probably the answer to this question can be found in the person of newly elected head of the BYuT faction Andriy Kozhemiakin, who, according to some data, has been holding mutually beneficial dialogue with all-powerful vice PM Andriy Klyuyev for quite some time.
According to information from various sources, the very communication between Kozhemiakin and Klyuyev ensures Tyrchynov's liberty, which of course must be paid with loyalty.
An example of such loyalty can be found in the voting by BYuT faction for the law on parliamentary elections. Besides, frankly speaking, the main oppositional force of the country is engaged in everything but defending interests of its supporters. In the moment when the society is shaken by mass protests BYuT guard is suspiciously quiet, showing its activity in the form of not numerous protest actions only during court hearings. Undoubtedly, the party still has huge mobilization capability. Why does not it use it then?
Is it an indicator of organizational impotence or the matter concerns unwillingness to use the recourses in full?
That's why the suppositions on that the power has made a progress in conquering BYuT don't look very dubious. And the rumours on that the BYuT faction has almost surrendered to Andriy Klyuyev are far from groundless.
Of course, the current leadership of BYuT has also to manage to save the face before voters. In this case the public search for inner enemies can serve as a red herring. It is no coincidence that Turchynoiv has started a "discrediting campaign" against an opposition member Anatoly Hrytsenko, accusing him of working secretly for the ruling party. However, knowing the chronic intractability of Hrytsenko, leader of the Civil Position movement, Turchynov's accusations are hard to believe in, harder than in the tandem Turchynov- Kozhemiakin, who may have found new masters.
It is not difficult to predict what happens next within the opposition. We've already seen this and not once - confusion and indecision every time become the reason of its deafening defeats. What other presents the power can hope for?
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